With her 8-year-old son's head resting in her lap, Zubaida was sitting at home with some other women from her village in western Myanmar's Rakhine state when the military came — and the gunfire started.
"All the men from the village started running away, and my son ran with them," Zubaida, 25, says. He didn't get far: Myanmar soldiers shot him dead — in the back.
That evening, the soldiers came back.
"They didn't say anything," she says. "They just came with their guns into my house."
They raped her for almost an hour that time, Zubaida says. Two days later, the military returned and rounded up all the villagers. She says they separated the men from the women, beat the men and raped the women.
"Some tried to resist and got stabbed," she says. "That's why the rest of the women didn't hesitate, they didn't want to die."
Zubaida was one of those picked.
Her distraught father pleaded with the soldiers: "Why are you doing this?"
"We are not doing as much to you as we have been ordered to do in Oula Para," they replied, referring to a nearby village.
Both Zubaida's village, Naiyongsong, and Oula Para are in far west Rakhine near the border with Bangladesh.
The villagers in this story have chosen to use pseudonyms to protect family members in Myanmar from possible retribution.
The latest crackdown
Zubaida and her neighbors are Rohingya — a group the U.N. has described as one of the world's most persecuted people. The Muslim minority Rohingya have lived in mainly Buddhist Myanmar for centuries.
Even so, Myanmar's government doesn't consider the Rohingya to be citizens; it says they are immigrants from Bangladesh who are living in Myanmar illegally. About 1 million Rohingya live in Rakhine state, and they are almost entirely disenfranchised and need permission, for instance, to travel outside their own villages or to marry. Many are restricted to living in internment camps, segregated from the local Buddhist population.
In October, a new Rohingya militant group attacked several border guard posts and killed nearly a dozen policemen. The militants led another series of attacks in November that left a Myanmar army officer dead.
The attacks shocked and infuriated Myanmar's military. And its response has been a brutal form of collective punishment that has not spared villagers, who are accused of aiding and abetting the militants.
What followed, witnesses and survivors say, was a campaign of murder, rape and arson. In the past six months, more than 70,000 Rohingya fled in terror across the border into neighboring Bangladesh — a Muslim-majority nation that has provided those who fled with refuge, but not acceptance.
This isn't the first time the Rohingya have made that journey. In the late 1970s and early '90s, hundreds of thousands fled violence in Myanmar. By some estimates, there are more than 500,000 Rohingya now living in Bangladesh — and more in Malaysia, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern countries.
In Bangladesh, about 35,000 Rohingya live officially in two camps run by the government in tandem with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Hundreds of thousands more live, unofficially, in squatter camps like Balukali, where Zubaida lives now.
Home to some 17,000 people, Balukali is bleak. Small huts have been scraped out of the hillsides, with blue plastic sheeting for walls and roofs, held together by thin strips of bamboo. The homes sit amid pools of fetid water in a hilly area with little shade and lots of sand.
Zubaida's tiny hut is barely big enough to stand in. At midday, it is stiflingly hot.
She recalls how the soldiers burned down a number of houses, as well as the mosque next to her house. After she was raped the second time, Zubaida says, she fled with her then-5-year-old daughter, her parents and a couple of siblings, furtively making their way through the jungle until they reached what they thought was a place of safety near the river.
They were wrong.
The military came there, too.
"The last rape took place in a school," Zubaida says. "The women were separated after the men were taken away," and then it all began again.
She and her family finally made it across the river about a week after starting their journey.
Six years earlier, Zubaida's husband, Mohammad, fled Myanmar by boat for Malaysia. The idea was to earn enough money to bring his family, too. Many others do the same, paying traffickers to make the often harrowing boat journey south to Thailand or Malaysia.
But Mohammad's boat broke down and now he is at a U.N. facility in Indonesia waiting to be processed to a third country.
We reached him by phone at that facility in Medan, Indonesia. He was feeling guilty and powerless.
"I keep thinking if I had brought my wife and my son, I would not have lost my son and my wife would not have been raped," Mohammad says. Now he is stuck in Indonesia, and Zubaida is stuck in Bangladesh. It's not likely they'll be reunited anytime soon.
Rape as a tool of war
NPR could not independently verify Zubaida's story, as the Myanmar government has restricted access to northern Rakhine state. But we talked to a dozen other women from other villages whose stories were depressingly similar, as have the U.N., Human Rights Watch and others. These stories suggest the Myanmar military was following a familiar playbook when it launched its "counterinsurgency" operation in October.
"This is not something that has happened by rogue soldiers ... a crime that was committed spontaneously," says Matthew Smith, CEO of the advocacy group Fortify Rights, which focuses on Myanmar, Thailand and Malaysia.
"It's very clear to us at this point that state security forces set out to systematically rape Rohingya women and girls," he says.
Rape as a tool of war is not new: The Myanmar military has used it as a tactic against ethnic women, in particular, in other parts of the country for many years.
But what is different about the past six months, he says, is the scale of rape that took place within a relatively short period of time.
"There has been widespread and systematic rape in other ethnic states," says Smith. "But there was an outburst of it, and particularly in November, that was unusual even by the Myanmar military's brutal standards."
The Myanmar military continues to deny the systematic attacks against the Rohingya — despite the testimony of dozens of witnesses, satellite photos showing hundreds of homes burned to the ground and disturbing videos uploaded to YouTube that show the military rounding up and beating Rohingya men. The Myanmar government did not respond to NPR's requests for comment on these stories.
The silence of Aung San Suu Kyi
As for Myanmar's de facto leader, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has seemed oddly indifferent in her rare public comments on the violence against the Rohingya. In a recent interview with Singapore's Channel News Asia, Suu Kyi told her interviewer: "I'm not saying there's no difficulties. But it helps if people recognize the difficulties and focus on resolving instead of exaggerating them so that everything seems worse than it really is."
And last week, she denied that the military's action against the Rohingya amounted to ethnic cleansing.
"I don't think there is ethnic cleansing going on. I think ethnic cleansing is too strong an expression to use for what is happening," Suu Kyi told the BBC. "It is not just a matter of ethnic cleansing as you put it — it is a matter of people on different sides of the divide, and this divide we are trying to close up."
If this sounds odd coming from a Nobel laureate and onetime human rights champion, it shouldn't. The general's daughter has described herself as a politician long before she was a human rights champion. And in overwhelmingly Buddhist Myanmar, speaking out for the rights of a much-maligned Muslim minority doesn't win votes.
But there's another explanation, too: Suu Kyi has no control over the military. The country's Constitution cements the military's role and power indefinitely. Matthew Smith of Fortify Rights accepts this, but what he doesn't accept is what Suu Kyi could have done but hasn't.
"We've seen terrible language coming out of state-run media referring to Rohingya as 'thorns that need to be removed' and referring to Rohingya as 'human fleas,' " says Smith. "This is a shameful discourse that she has failed to change."
Last month, the U.N.'s Human Rights Council said it would send a team to Myanmar to investigate the allegations of atrocities. Myanmar's ambassador to the U.N. in Geneva, U Htin Lynn, called the resolution "not acceptable."
That response and Suu Kyi's recent denials don't surprise Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch.
"She's claiming that there is no ethnic cleansing in this area," says Robertson. "Our response to her would be that if there wasn't such a big problem then why not allow the U.N. Human Rights Council fact-finding mission into those areas, provide them with unfettered access."
Robertson says it's time to stop talking.
"It's time to get the investigators in there and actually do a professional independent investigation and get to the bottom of what happened," he says.
There's no indication Myanmar's government will allow the fact-finding team into Rakhine state.
In the meantime, Myanmar has set up its own commission of inquiry, which is led by Vice President Myint Swe — a former army general.
With additional reporting by Bangladeshi journalist Muktadir Rashid.
RACHEL MARTIN, HOST:
In the last six months, more than 70,000 Rohingya fled across the border into Bangladesh. A warning here - some listeners might find the content of this story disturbing. Reporter Michael Sullivan has been with the Rohingya in southern Bangladesh, and he joins us now on the line. Good morning, Michael.
MICHAEL SULLIVAN, BYLINE: Hi, Rachel.
MARTIN: Why is this happening at this point, Michael? Why have the Rohingya fled across the border?
SULLIVAN: Well, this was prompted by two separate incidents involving attacks against Myanmar security forces by Rohingya militants - the first in early October, the second in November - attacks which killed more than a dozen police and soldiers. And this completely shocked Myanmar's military because the Rohingya have been cowed for so long. This act of resistance not only caught the military by surprise, it embarrassed them, and their response was brutal. It was collective punishment against the civilian population they accused of harboring the militants. And that's why the people fled across the border.
MARTIN: Is this the first time the Rohingya have been targeted like this?
SULLIVAN: No. The Rohingya have been targeted for decades by Myanmar's military, and you have to remember, Rachel, that the Myanmar government, they don't really consider the Rohingya to be citizens. They're part of a Muslim minority. And Myanmar's Buddhist-majority government say they're basically illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, even though they've been in Myanmar's Rakhine State for centuries. They have - they're almost totally disenfranchised. They want to marry. They have to get permission from the authorities. They want to visit people in distant villages. They have to get permission for them. Living under the Buddhist-majority government, it's like being in one big internment camp.
MARTIN: You've been spending time with some of the Rohingya refugees on the other side of the border in Bangladesh. What kinds of stories have you been hearing?
SULLIVAN: Not very pretty ones, and we've heard lots of them. And you talk to enough of these refugees from enough different villages, and there's a clear pattern of what happened since October when thousands of Rohingya fled across the Naf River into Bangladesh. We went to a spot on that river. We were there at sunset when the crows came out.
(SOUNDBITE OF CROWS CAWING)
SULLIVAN: They sound ominous, my producer Ashley Westerman said, and it did feel a little creepy. Maybe it was the Myanmar military outpost clearly visible on the other side.
UNIDENTIFIED CHILD: (Unintelligible).
SULLIVAN: Not far from that spot we met Shajada. It's not her real name but the name she's chosen to protect her identity and those of family members left behind in Myanmar. She's from a village called Dagiza. When the military came there, she says, they ordered everyone out of their houses.
SHAJADA: (Through interpreter) Some of those who left their homes escaped and those who didn't were burned to death inside.
SULLIVAN: Her husband was killed trying to flee. She and some others managed to get away. They hid in a nearby swamp for five days before finally being discovered. The soldiers separated the men from the women, then, she says, picked four or five women, including her, and took them to a nearby field where they were raped, close enough so that the other villagers could watch.
SHAJADA: (Through interpreter) First, the soldier took off my clothes. Then, he took my money, and then, he raped me for about an hour.
SULLIVAN: After the military left, she and her parents set out through the jungle for the border. She's been treated twice for complications from the assault. Months later, she's not fully healed.
SULLIVAN: A few miles up the road at an informal camp, more women with nearly identical stories, this time from two sisters in their early 20s and their 17-year-old cousin. One of the sisters, Toslima - again, a name she's chosen to protect her identity and those of relatives left behind - says the military surrounded their village, Poyakhali, early on the morning of October 16.
TOSLIMA: (Through interpreter) Our brother tried to resist them to keep them from hurting us, but he was taken away. Then, our mother and father were killed, and they took us into the house and raped us repeatedly.
SULLIVAN: Not together but in separate rooms, the men taking turns, she says, with each of them. Their 17-year-old cousin Roshida was in her house two doors down, praying.
ROSHIDA: (Through interpreter) When my neighbors' houses were set on fire, my parents ran out of our house. I was left home alone. Then, four men entered my home and raped me.
SULLIVAN: The U.N. Human Rights Watch and others have documented dozens of stories like these, and there's a reason they sound so similar.
MATTHEW SMITH: It's very clear to us at this point that state security forces set out to systematically rape Rohingya women and girls.
SULLIVAN: Matthew Smith of Fortify Rights, which advocates for the Rohingya and other minorities in the region, he's here in Bangladesh collecting more stories. What the military's done to the Rohingya, he says, they've done before.
SMITH: The military has used rape against ethnic women, in particular, for many, many years. Rape is - as a weapon of war is still occurring in other parts of the country now. What sets recent events apart is that the scale of rape that occurred was unusual even by the Myanmar military's brutal standards.
SULLIVAN: The military continues to deny almost all of it, despite the testimony of hundreds of witnesses, despite satellite photos that show hundreds of homes burnt to the ground. NPR reached out to Myanmar's government for comment with no success. And Myanmar's de facto leader, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, she seems oddly indifferent to the situation. Here she is in a rare interview with Singapore's Channel NewsAsia.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
AUNG SAN SUU KYI: I'm not saying there are no difficulties, but it helps if people recognize the difficulty and are more focused on resolving these difficulties rather than exaggerating them so that everything seems worse than it really is.
SULLIVAN: The charitable explanation is that Suu Kyi has no control over the military. And that's true. The country's constitution cements the military's role and power indefinitely. But what really infuriates Matthew Smith are the things she could have done but hasn't.
SMITH: We've seen terrible language coming out of state-run media referring to Rohingya as thorns that need to be removed and referring to Rohingya as human fleas and things of that nature. This is a shameful discourse that she has failed to change.
SULLIVAN: Last month, the U.N.'s Human Rights Council said it would send a team to Myanmar to investigate the allegations of atrocities. Myanmar's ambassador to the U.N. in Geneva, U Htin Lynn, objected. He called the resolution not acceptable, and it's not clear if a team will be allowed into Myanmar. The country has set up its own commission of inquiry. It's led by Vice President Myint Swe, a former army general. For NPR News, I'm Michael Sullivan in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.
(SOUNDBITE OF TALVIN SINGH AND NILADRI KUMAR'S "RIVER") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.